THE CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE (COPE): A POLICY FRAMEWORK

1. INTRODUCTION
The political landscape in South Africa is going through a dramatic and irrevocable change. These are challenging yet interesting times. The emergence of the Congress of the People provides hope for South Africans of every persuasion. Our country is maturing and ready for a paradigm shift.
Many South Africans have rightfully been quite concerned about the threats to our constitutional order emerging from the African National Congress (ANC). These concerns go to the heart of what many South Africans fear. Our people want our country to become: a modern non-racial nation based on democratic values. Any threat to this vision evokes a national sense of panic that our victorious struggle for a free and just society might be reversed.
In response to this threat, a national convention was convened on 2 November 2008 to devise a way forward toward strengthening our democratic gains. The convention was attended by a large section of former members of the ANC and South Africans of many persuasions who were concerned that their country may be sliding down.
The convention pronounced that South Africa needs to develop a set of values to guide political engagement and that South Africans were ready for a new political formation that will project modern non-racialism. This formation is the Congress of the People and it will prioritise the defence of our constitutional democracy and also offer solutions to the social, economic, and security threats facing the nation. COPE is ready to lead!

2. VISION STATEMENT
Our vision for South Africa is for a democratic, inclusive, prosperous country which shuns all racial, ethnic, gender, narrow chauvinistic stereotypes and prejudices in favour of a caring society, where shared national identity and pride are deeply rooted; and where the freedoms of the people are untrammelled by a selfish political leadership; and where as a country we are at peace with our neighbours and the world. .

3. MISSION STATEMENT
Ours is to instil respect for our hard-won democratic and constitutional rights and the respect for the rule of law that all shall be equal before the law. We will give back dignity; pride and self confidence to the South African people to have a voice; to dream; to work; and to live in peace and prosperity. We will build an inclusive non-racial democratic modern nation with high moral values; guided by principles of ubuntu; and a sense of personal integrity. We will strive for a nation that guarantees personal and property security so that people may live their lives free from fear and want.

4. DEFINING THE POLITICAL CHARACTER OF COPE
COPE is a progressive democratic party with a new progressive agenda. We take our cue from the supreme law of our land, the Constitution, and commit ourselves to “the progressive realisation of rights”.
Ours is the New Way. We acknowledge that the past has shaped the character of our nation today and we draw inspiration from the proud history of the liberation struggle. We are, however, not be held hostage to the past. The many sacrifices of the past inspire us to selfishly guard the democratic space so that all voices can be heard and that together, as a nation, we can achieve our common goal of building a non-racial, prosperous and democratic country. COPE aims to build a patriotic nation, united in its common goal to achieve democracy and prosperity. We aim to progress beyond past divisions and to give concrete meaning to the ideals enshrined in our Constitution so that a covenant arises between the people and their government.
COPE’s agenda is a progressive programme with a clear ideological, political and social policy programme.

What is COPE’s Progressive Ideology?
COPE’s subscribes to a modern ideological framework of progressivism.
What is Progressivism? Progressivism can be contrasted with conservatism and classical liberalism. It commits to a number of values and principles: human rights, social justice, sustainability, democracy, human development, rule of law at home and abroad, equality, solidarity, partnership, and international rule.
Progressives vehemently reject oppression and violations of human rights and threats to democracy.
Progressives do not support and defend narrow nationalism, but promote solidarity amongst groups, races; nations and states.
Principles and values are complemented through well-thought out policies. Progressives place huge emphasis on non-state actor participation. It is not just state and market, but state, market and civil society. In fact, progressives are committed to engagement.
Progressives believe in strong national, regional, continental, and international institutions.

Political Progressivism
We are committed to fundamental democratic values and human rights. With our New Progressive Agenda, we are committed to both good governance and democratic governance; to political and economic accountability; to international co-operation and international solidarity – fundamental values in the tradition of progressivism and internationalism. We commit ourselves to political dialogue, and building consensus, and finding common approaches to addressing common problems. (We denounce political blackmail and the politics of witch-hunting; we reject the politics of chastisement, of defaming and purging people. We reject without reservation the politics of violence and intimidation, and we commit to disciplined politics of engagement, of negotiated solutions to problems, and of reaching out to people across divides).
With our New Progressive Agenda, COPE commits itself to the following strategic partnerships: between state and markets; state and civil society; the affluent and the poor in our society; the developed and the developing worlds;. We seek common solutions to our common problems. Our New Progressive Agenda seeks to include people in determining their destiny. We are committed to working in partnership with people. Our partnership paradigm spells out common responsibilities, common accountabilities, and mutual respect amongst citizens and fellow human beings.
With our Progressive Agenda we commit to fundamental principles: equality before the law and the rule of law; the centrality and sanctity of our Constitution and a constitutional order; and the principle of a rules-based society. Our New Progressive Agenda wishes to unite all South Africans around a shared national identity. We are an evolving nation that is capable of moving beyond the divisions of the past.
COPE promotes the rights of all South Africans as enshrined in the Bill of Rights. While we promote human rights and defend the freedom of the citizens we also stress the responsibility of individuals, communities, economic actors, and the state. We also affirm the need for greater accountability of the state to its citizens.

Economic Progressivism
COPE’s Agenda has a comprehensive economic dimension to it: a commitment to a participatory approach to economics. With its Progressive Agenda, COPE will transcend the limits of existing economic theories and practices. Experience has shown that the world’s problems are more complex and require creative solutions. Ours is a New Way agenda and a Clear Alternative. That agenda is to acknowledge that the transformation of our country is taking place within the confines of a capitalist and free market economic system. This, however, has limitations. There has to be a balance between the role of the state and the markets in society. Our economic progressivism will enable us to intensify the development of skills in society. It is in this sense that COPE supports the idea of a mixed economy
COPE’s Progressive Agenda says growth and redistribution are complementary and are both important in a united and prosperous society.

COPE and a progressive activist state
COPE’s agenda is equally clear in respect of the state: COPE recognises the important role that the state can play in a society plagued by social challenges. Markets alone cannot address the socio-economic challenges and inequalities characterising our country. With our Progressive Agenda, we are committed to an enabling and activist state that can confront past divisions and inequality in society; and redress the inequalities in the society. We are committed to a state that will regulate market forces to bring about redress in society. Above all, the state that we envision is one that can commit to social justice and address the social exclusion felt by people. COPE’s Progressive Way is committed to an enabling state that can bring about growth, redistribution and modernisation in our society.
No society in the 21st Century can develop without strong economic performance and growth. COPE’s progressive agenda will ensure that state plays a constructive role in ensuring that the economy grows. This is necessary for people to live meaningful lives. The activist state as propounded by COPE will be committed to the regulation of market forces and the efficient and effective delivery of services.

5. POLICY OBJECTIVES: Towards rebuilding a people-Centred South Africa
• To respect the sovereignty of the South African people;
• To pull our people out of the misery of abject poverty;
• To expedite our economic growth for large-scale labour absorption;
• To deepen and consolidate our democracy as this is a prerequisite for a modern progressive democratic state;
• To manage a modern and efficient depoliticised institutions of state;
• To recruit appropriately qualified and professionalise the civil service.

6. KEY PRIORITIES FOR A COPE-LED ADMINISTRATION
The priorities for COPE Administration
• Growing the productive base of manufacturing, knowledge-based, and services industries in the economy and ensuring that this is labour absorbing.
• Ensuring food security through a growing commercial agricultural sector by stimulating productive utilisation of land.
• Building a strong and effective criminal justice system and implementing a comprehensive national strategy to root out crime and the causes of crime.
• Enhance the quality of education through upgrading human capital and investing heavily in technology.
• Creating the right conditions to encourage an effective civic engagement and to bring government closer to the people.
• Enhancing the quality of the civil service and increasing its capacity for heightened policy implementation and rapid public service delivery.
• Promoting a productive, entrepreneurial and competitive society.
• Articulating a progressive foreign policy that is primarily informed by our national interest in respect of economic development and national security as well as being underpinned by values of democracy, equity and human rights.
• Building thriving communities that affirm diversity, which are held together by a shared sense of national identity and shared aspirations for the future.
• Nurturing a caring and compassionate nation that values family, has a strong sense of community, and encourages individual responsibility; and whose cornerstone is respect for human dignity, social solidarity, and human development.

7. PLAN OF ACTION
Objectives have to be underpinned by a clear plan of action otherwise they become meaningless. It should be recognised that these policy objectives are within a framework of enduring values, credibility of leadership, and an inspiring vision that should strike a deep chord with the people of South Africa. What follows is a work plan that the incoming COPE government commits itself to achieve. This is an expression of our commitment to the people of South Africa, and these are the objectives by which we should be held accountable by the citizens.

a. Growing the productive base of manufacturing, knowledge-based, and services
industries in the economy and ensure that this is labour absorbing
The major economic challenges our country face are high levels of unemployment and poverty. We need to tackle the underlying causes for these social ills. At the core, unemployment is explained by the fact that the production profile of the South African economy cannot make use of its labour resources. One of the binding constraints to growth is lack of dynamism in the tradable sector. The pattern of structural change is technology-induced and is skills-biased. This has seen the substitution of skilled workers for unskilled workers in manufacturing. Manufacturing underperformance over the decades is responsible for slow growth in the economy. This has expressed itself in the rising unemployment of the unskilled. Unemployment and poverty gives rise to despondency and weaken the moral base of society. There is a continuous need for policy to prioritise the fight against unemployment, and should aim at increasing possibilities for prosperity for all its citizens.
Given the dualistic nature of our economy, and therefore our society – characterised by the existence of pockets of affluence amidst a sea of poverty – managing social tensions present a grave challenge. This growth pattern only serves to accentuate the socio-economic disparities as those who are unskilled tend to be predominantly black and with lower levels of education. The economy is increasingly services oriented as reflected in the contribution of services at 65 percent to our gross domestic product (GDP). One of the biggest challenges for South Africa is that it is competing with major developing countries such as China for labour intensive industries. Yet we are also a labour abundant society contending with massive socio-economic challenges. Addressing high levels of unemployment would require that we identify comparative advantage in manufacturing and focus on building these while at the same time we create a base for long-term trajectory as a knowledge-based economy. The role of the services sectors of our economy to absorb labour should also not be overlooked. Similarly, the informal sector (characterised here as an incipient economic sector) can be better optimised through flexible regulation and incentives to attract more investment and create job and entrepreneurship opportunities. The key consideration should be to build the productive base of the economy, upgrade industrial capacity, build human capital, and encourage wealth creation.
Global competitive pressures are a reality for South Africa. These pressures have been brought about by technological change, competitive pressures from dynamic Asian economies and Eastern European countries, and expanding international trading opportunities. There is a discernible shift in the global structures of production and international trade with emerging markets dominating the global supply-chain for manufacturing and services. Supply-chain dispersion in manufacturing tends to favour locations that exhibit cost and quality advantages to drive competitiveness. Because manufacturing is transaction-intensive (storage, distribution, transportation), locations that have efficiencies in these tend to be favoured. Logistics platforms (freights) are forced to be efficient in connecting the various nodes of the supply chain.
That there is no place for our current labour skills profile in production requires either that we change the skills profile of the economy (which is the emphasis of policy in the past fourteen years and which has failed) or we change the production profile itself. Different industries have different labour absorption rates, so it stands to reason that what is required, primarily, is the growth of high-labour absorbing industries. These are typically secondary industries, in particular manufacturing. Manufacturing can generate spillover effects over the entire country, as well as contribute to developing diverse skills. It also ensures wealth creation opportunities across a much wider supply chain than services. In addition, most services are directly or indirectly linked to manufacturing and expand on the back of this important sector.
Beyond manufacturing, our economic policies would need to identify and support the growth and development of the tradable services sector. Problems such as low skills, labour shortages in some industries while there are excesses in others, and so on are easily resolved by fragmenting production. That is, rather than attempting to produce goods from the beginning to the end of a chain, the economy should be geared to produce goods at specific parts of any chain. The difference is that this should not be at the point of assembly, but in physically manufacturing some components. Given the current export profile, the first industries to target are higher value added activities in primary industries (mining) and moving higher up the value added chain in manufacturing.

What macroeconomic policy should do:
The requirement is for a macroeconomic policy that normalizes tradable output. Tradable output is export related. Previous policy was lacking in detail on how to do this. This is because previous macroeconomic policy had no industrial policy content. In South Africa, the problem is not merely that some industries are not scale industries (operate on too small a scale for them to be viable especially for production for large markets) but that existing export industries are oligopolistic. As they are characterized by barriers to entry and are collusive, there is no incentive or requirement that they be productive. As such, our exports are not necessarily competitive externally.
Macroeconomic policy does not need to provide incentives for investment, if the returns to capital are comparatively too low then no investment will take place. Macroeconomic policy must reflect the government’s objectives. All else will follow only if our returns to capital are sufficiently high, a large component of which is outside of the control of government anyway. This is where a strategy to encourage domestic savings is critical.

Given the economic problems in South Africa macroeconomic policy must reflect the following three objectives:
Lower rates of unemployment
This goal may seem populist but more significantly progress in this regard is highly visible. Note that an alliance between the current ruling party and trade unions has created an insider-outsider problem with respect to employment. While unionized labour is easily mobilized and can easily destabilize production, it is not reflective of labour at large. The bulk of labour in this economy is un-unionized because it is unemployed. The latter is therefore dispersed and un-coordinated and so is not harnessed in collective activity which makes unions disproportionately powerful in all aspects of bargaining in South Africa even though their representative power base is fairly circumscribed.
• The first issue to address is to make the economy aware of this.
• The second is to show that the skills profile of this unionized labour is exactly the same as the less militant unemployed. As such, show that those without jobs can just as easily replace those with jobs whose actions are contributing to unemployment.
• The third is to actually do something about this, which is the content of accelerated wealth creation discussed below.
• Re-think the way the National Economic Development Council (NEDLAC) is structured. This is an institutionalized lobbying mechanism and, to the extent that it excludes important sectors that are either not unionized or unemployed, it is an expression of democratic deficit. A new mechanism that encourages genuine participatory democracy and enhances human capabilities needs to be established and with less formal authority.

An accelerated rate of wealth creation
This is the fundamental problem of current policy, all other problems emanate from this. Current policy has failed to regenerate and expand wealth because growth in some sectors is being offset by a decline in others. Capital returns have been high for effectively the wrong reason, namely that the economy previously under-invested. All investment can do is play catch-up to current demand, it has failed to increase supply beyond the size of domestic consumption, which is what is required to sustain export growth.
This is partly because unemployment is an under-utilization of labour as a productive resource. That is, the returns to labour use are low, hence unemployment is high. The issue then is how to raise the returns to labour. The solution is to promote growth in labour intensive activities. The difference we are proposing is to promote the growth of reproducible goods manufacturing. Such a policy would also resolve the issue of visibility of transformation.
This economy does not produce reproducible goods for exports. Extractive industries only work their magic once because resources are finite. The production of reproducible commodities works its magic continuously because these have to be replaced. The obvious place to start is to produce intermediate goods for use in other industries globally. That is, rather than exporting complete goods, we can effectively export intermediate goods and intermediate services. What is currently produced is effectively increasingly redundant in time, whereas if we are part of a global chain of production, our industries remain relevant (beyond our own economy’s uses) and integral to these ongoing processes without the requisite that we immediately develop the full range of productive capabilities. This is until such a time as South African finished goods are as competitive as any other goods globally, although this need never be the case. What matters is that we harness this wealth creation domestically to promote further wealth creation.
The extent to which imports exceed exports is exactly the extent to which investment exceeds savings in the economy. At present, we rely on external savings to finance investment. The external capital available to finance investment is volatile and prone to large adverse shifts, meaning that so too is our investment of the same nature. The only means to increase domestic savings is to increase domestic wealth!
We propose that there are three ways to promote growth in alternative industries:
* The first is legislative, involving more active competition policy which rules out monopolistic and oligopolistic behaviour in industry. This is particularly significant in enabling emergent businesses to become established without fear of ‘unfair play’ undermining growing businesses.
* The second is in ensuring a market for these intermediate goods. We propose that rather than negotiating bilateral and multilateral trade agreements on the basis of a range of finished products to effectively trade some of these ‘credits’ for preferential treatment on the range of intermediate unfinished goods. Existing trade relations can be revised on this basis if permissible, if not all new agreements can be negotiated on the basis proposed. Over time this promotes the attrition of ‘undesired’ industry as firms in these industries are required to seek their own markets for their output.
* Lastly, and most significantly, is how to ensure that production actually takes place in new industry. Once imperfectly competitive outcomes are weakened, the incentive structure necessarily changes, allowing for some investment into these industries to occur through inertia.
On a more active basis, government can promote cooperative production where existing holders of capital can be incentivized by access to preferential agreements strictly on the proviso that workers are collectively allocated a share of ownership in the established firms. All other firms must not be permitted to make use of state apparatus. Further, this is a means to encourage a sharing in productive capacity itself rather than merely profits (as labour too now becomes an owner of capital with the incentive to maximize its own profits) but also to underpin preferential treatment without appearing to be protectionist, which is

The vision for industrial policy support should aim at the following:
(1) Invest in labour absorbing manufacturing sectors, where well monitored, time constrained state support and nurturing industrial policies will help create jobs and increase production of consumer goods. These manufactured products will replace imports and also be exported, and therefore help reduce the trade deficit.
(2) Building manufacturing industries that will equip long-term South African and Southern African infrastructure investment and industrial capacity enhancement in sectors required to sustain regional growth (transport and energy) as well as the mining sector. This can be done by linking projects supported by DBSA, IDC and others with the supply of inputs from South African industries where appropriate. In this regional context, South Africa’s future lies in the mid-range of industries that are neither very labour nor very capital intensive but whose rapid growth will mean absorbing significant employment. South Africa already has leading capabilities in some of these areas.
(3) Increasing manufacturing sector growth in beneficiation of our mineral resources. Although South Africa is extraordinarily well-endowed with mineral resources, it obtains very poor benefits from them in terms of a sustainable and broad-based growth trajectory since they are exported mainly in primary or semi-processed forms. We need to go further to favour the local economy, by direct and indirect measures to ensure the products are supplied locally at below international prices or on more favourable terms. The inputs provided by these beneficiation industries will benefit the labour absorbing and capital equipment sectors both upstream and downstream.
The policies required to reach these targets combine both macroeconomic and microeconomic levels.
On macroeconomic levels, it means:
* Weakening the rand in order to increase competitiveness of South African manufactured products as well as the cost of foreign assets to South African investors which could lead to increased domestic investment.
* Government interventions to improve the allocation of capital, including lower interest rates to selected manufactured sectors from state development finance institutions. And, policies that influence private sector capital allocation, for example, lower reserve requirements for loans to manufacturing firms and higher reserve requirements for loans for consumption and speculative activities.
* Capital controls on short-term inflows to ensure that they do not cause increases in inflation levels, undermine exchange rate management and investment allocation policies. Controls on capital outflows to prevent volatility in exchange rates and to try to steer capital towards domestic productive investments rather than speculative investments abroad.
* Windfall taxes and capturing returns from resource extraction for the nation to build up reserves that could be used to counter the effects of economic downturns, speculative attacks, and to prevent overvaluation of the exchange rate.

On microeconomic level it includes:
* The effective implementation of the National Industrial Policy Framework and the Industrial Policy Action Plans through the allocation of larger resources.
* Industrial policy that looks beyond South Africa towards the region and continent.
* The use of conditional support to nurture manufacturing firms, including lower interest rates for expansion, subsidies for research & development and training, and tariff protection. However, firms that do not become successful exporters within a fixed period of time could lose their state support and tariff protection.
* Increased capacity within government to provide sector specific support, including coordination, market intelligence and information, skills and technology development.
* Ensuring access to low cost inputs (below international prices), at the very least so the costs reflect the advantages of having domestically extracted and produced inputs, by promoting inter firm cooperation and taxing exports of raw materials and inputs with low levels of value-added.
* Government and state-owned enterprise procurement policies that support and promote development and competitiveness of domestically manufactured inputs and products.

On the Black Economic Empowerment: While in the recent past there has arisen a small group of empowered blacks or the so-called black elite, and there are signs that generally the middle-class is on the rise – a phenomenon confirmed by various research on the emergence of the ‘black diamond’ – there remains high levels of inequalities in South Africa. Race politics cannot be ignored; they still loom large. However, with class inequalities gaining prominence, race is gradually losing weight as a factor of inequality. What this means is that social tensions are not only limited to inter-race tensions; intra-race tensions along class lines are also slowly emerging. This is more accentuated within the black race where the emergence of the black elite creates a new fault-line, namely the haves and the have-nots. Although not yet glaring, perceptions of political and economic advantages along ethnic lines should also not be ignored.
There is another reality that is gradually emerging – that of ‘poor whites problem’. This also should not be overlooked on the account of the state’s Constitutional imperatives however emotive this issue can be. This should be treated as part of the wider problem of rising class inequalities and poverty in society rather than a special case. Whatever form this takes, it is unacceptable. It needs pointing out that while those at the bottom of the social rung are generally more concerned with class inequalities, race is still the preoccupation of the middle classes who, justifiably, bemoan white dominance in the economy and seek racial redress in property relations. This is understandable given the continuing concentration of economic wealth in white hands and, to some limited extent, a tiny black capitalist class.
It would not be surprising that there also exist a lighter tension between the haves (the general middle classes, including civil servants and various professionals in the private sector who are also exposed to economic storms) on the one hand, and the ‘have-lots’ (e.g. the black business elite who are captains of industry and services in mining, media and finance) on the other. This oftentimes masks the far bigger social reality – those who command significant wealth remain tiny white elite on whose face the emerging black elite pales into insignificance, and oftentimes relies on the former for its continued existence. This is in no way to suggest that there is something fundamentally wrong with the rise of the middle-class or the emergence of the so-called rich elite. Indeed, these tend to be responsible for wealth creation and for nurturing the dynamism of the economy. The existence of a middle-class and business elite can be a positive sign of social progress and of a spirit of entrepreneurship.
This requires us to revisit some of the elements of economic policy, notably the BEE and give more meaningful effect to its broad-based component as well as to examine its social costs with respect to racial harmony. In this respect, more emphasis and energy need to be directed towards fostering entrepreneurship and nurturing the ‘informal economy’ redirecting it to constitute an incipient layer of the economy with better but more flexible and soft, as opposed to tight, regulation. Various incentives, including tax and subsidies, should be provided to this layer of the economy. Such incentives could also be available in various forms to big business operating in the formal sectors to deepen investment and supply linkages with businesses operating in ‘incipient markets’. While the role of formal business in creating products and service at the ‘bottom of the pyramid’ (‘incipient markets’) there is a need to go beyond this. Big business can contribute more meaningfully towards infrastructure and built environment in these areas.
This creates both social and commercial value and could unleash a positive gale of ‘creative destruction’ in the form of entrepreneurship development in these communities. The culture of entrepreneurship has to spread like wildfire across all sectors of society, and has to be founded on ‘creative destruction’ where social progress is generated from the destruction of old structures of the economy and outdated ways of doing things, and is based on innovation, full utilisation of human creativity and maximization of potential. Our economic policy places more emphasis on the development of productive capacities and entrepreneurial growth over long-term social welfare. However, we realise that given the social context obtaining in our country, intervention measures, of which social safety nets is a part of, by the state can bring much needed relief for socially vulnerable communities. This welfare role is not the exclusive space of the state, but also civic structures, including faith-based communities have an important role to play in deepening social solidarity.

b. Ensuring food security and growing commercial agricultural development by stimulating productive utilisation of land
South Africa has become a net food importer in the midst of plenty of land that is underutilized. Agricultural imports have been growing faster than exports resulting in agricultural trade balance being negative. Beef imports, for example, rose from 48 200 tonnes in 2006 to 62 000 in 2008 while exports fell from 10 000 tonnes to 3 400 tonnes. Import dependency for cereals rose from 5,8% of consumption in 2001 to 11% in 2005.
Since 1996, commercial farming has experienced a decline in the production of most commodities and has lost close to 600 000 jobs due to a number of factors including lack of investment leading to contraction of operations, shift to intensive production methods (from labour intensive to capital intensive) and the rise in game farming or some other activity which does not produce food directly. In many instances land which has been claimed back by communities is no longer productive. The private sector which includes some farmers as well now imports commodities to supply local and regional demand.
The world food and agricultural landscape is currently being rapidly redefined by new driving forces. Income growth, climate change, high energy prices, globalization, biotechnology, food safety concerns and urbanization are transforming food consumption, production, and markets. The influence of the private sector in the world food system, especially the leverage of food retailers, is also rapidly increasing. Changes in food availability, rising commodity prices, and new producer-consumer linkages have crucial implications for the livelihoods of poor and food-insecure people.
South African agriculture requires now more than ever a strong state to uplift poor and disadvantaged farming communities and to successfully integrate them into mainstream agriculture. At the same time government cannot neglect the growth prospects for commercial agriculture and needs to ensure that regulations, systems and support services are in place.
Regarding traditional farming, this means:
* Providing better infrastructure, roads, power supply, irrigation and telecommunications facilities to rural communities. There is also a need to enable small-scale farmers to access the markets by increasing the links with urban and industrial markets, and successfully integrate them into mainstream agriculture.
* Investing sustainably in the sector but with a business approach and not randomly: the projects need thorough assessment and must be sustainable. Investments should be targeted. More loans should be granted which favour responsibility versus assistance and thus create a production oriented mindset. This will also enable young graduates from the agricultural discipline to pursue fulfilling careers in agriculture.
* Considering “Cooperatives” as a mean to give the farmers access to modern production and value-adding technology, for example abattoirs being held by a community.
* Devise a way to commercialise livestock in former homelands.

Regarding commercial farming we need to:
* Acknowledge the importance of the sector, its contribution to the economy and therefore make its growth a priority. In this respect, within the context of the WTO in particular the need to defend our policy space, we will introduce subsidies as is done in other countries. This is key for preservation of food security.
* Improve communication with the farmers concerning the land reform.
* Invest in research in order to promote innovation in the sector.

Finally, it is vital to improve service support to both small-scale and large-scale commercial sectors by focusing on skill improvement (technical, analytical and managerial) within the various relevant institutions/departments such as the Land Bank, the national Department of Agriculture and provincial departments.

c. Achieving physical security for all citizens and national security for the Country
Development is about substantive expansion of human capabilities and the enhancement of freedom. This is impossible in an environment where citizens do not feel secure. Security or freedom from harm is a fundamental right of every citizen and a critical element of development. It is also a question of value. Accordingly, crime is an affront to human dignity and undermines the freedom of citizens. Our policy commitment is to ensure that South African citizens have the freedom to move freely in their own country without any fear of threat to their lives or those of their loved ones. We seek to create a country where individuals, families and communities can live peacefully. It is also our commitment to deal effectively with the underlying causes of crime whatever form they take.
A major obstacle to the economic growth of the country and to the welfare of its citizens is the problem of the security for our people. While it is the responsibility of the state to ensure that citizens are safe in their homes, in their social spaces, and in their workplaces, it is also important for citizens to contribute to defending their own security. Strong and healthy communities can act as a bulwark against threats.
South African can draw on useful examples from other countries, Colombia and Brazil in particular, that have experienced similar challenges.

In an effort to support and strengthen our safety and security institutions we will also ensure the following:
• An efficient police force that enjoys a public support and encouragement.
• Increasing the visibility and presence of the police by setting up patrols in the most affected neighbourhoods and increasing the number of agents in the SAPS, reshaping the implementation pattern of police stations, setting up police stations according to a ratio per inhabitant and criminality rate.
• Restoring the morale and credibility of the police forces by restoring the integrity and professionalism of policing and rooting out the corrupt element.
• Increasing the efficiency of the police by providing better training on data gathering: by improving analysis of crime trends and intensifying intelligence work relating to organised crime, the police should become aware of exactly which occurrences are more frequent in specific spots in their city. The police should share this information with the local community, which is well acquainted with the issues that facilitate those crimes — like a poorly illuminated street, a slow traffic light, a drug-dealing spot, urban blight, etc.
• To strengthen the relationship between the police and communities, and foster greater involvement of communities in the fight against crime. In this respect, businesses, NGOs, various civic formations, and individuals have a participatory role.
An important measure to reduce homicide rates is the population’s disarmament through voluntary disarmament days. Although this does not put an end to conflicts it makes them less lethal.
However, reducing crime is bound to fail without the integration of civil society. The concept of community policing is paramount and aims at bringing the police and the community together and puts an end to the belief that only the state is responsible for security, while civil society, just sits back and criticises the governments’ actions every time a crime is committed.
In Bogota, the Mayor Antanas Mockus created Schools of Civic Security and local security fronts that responded to civic ideals and had nothing to do with weapons. He launched a campaign about the sacredness of life in order to re-establish respect for life as the main right and duty of citizens, mobilized people to protest against violence, and implemented social programmes to bring new perspectives to the youth.
Achieving national security means securing our borders but also bringing security to South Africa’s countryside. Today, South Africa acts as a magnet for all the people fleeing Africa’s war-torn zones and is not able to stop the influx of immigrants. Indeed, the current situation of the South African National Defence Force does not allow it to patrol the borders and the countryside and at the same time be deployed with AU or UN peacekeeping forces.
The question of military service for South African citizens, in accordance with international standards and in keeping with the Constitution shall be fully debated.

d. Increase the population’s life expectancy
The latest life expectancy figures suggest that the average South African is expected to live to just over 50 years (some estimates even state 48 years), which represents a loss of 10 years compared to 1997 figures (62 years). This puts South Africa just before countries such as Zimbabwe, but below least developed countries such as Pakistan, Sudan and Madagascar, and far below the international average of 67. Brazil, with a slightly lower per capita GDP, has an average life expectancy of over 70 years.
For a middle income country, such as South Africa, which offers much better infrastructure than other African countries, including sanitation, power and educational infrastructure, spends a significant proportion of its Gross Domestic Product on health, has enjoyed a decade of improvement in economic indicators as well as a social catchment system that extends across the country, it is a major paradox.
The early mortality that runs through South Africa is driven by certain behaviours and outcomes, many of them a product of our history and social environment.
* HIV is the single largest contributor to premature death: over half of all South African deaths are now HIV related. In addition, it drives several of the most concerning indicators of poor health care systems, including infant mortality, maternal mortality, and TB. Today only a minority of people who qualify for antiretrovirals are currently accessing this life-saving care. This is an even bigger problem among children.
* Cardiovascular disease (diabetes, hypertension, smoking addiction and overweight/obesity) is the second major cause of premature death. It finds its roots in changing lifestyles including poor diets, lack of exercise and smoking.
* Maternal deaths are on the increase despite fairly good coverage with antenatal and midwifery services. The main causes are HIV related, but also haemorrhage, high blood pressure and inadequate response to mother’s needs by the health care system/workers.
* Inadequate housing, overcrowding, poor nutrition, lack of sanitation and clean water. These social conditions increase the spreading of diarrhea and other infectious diseases as well as the transmission of HIV, TB and other illnesses.
* COPE recognises there are three distinct categories of health and social challenges that require urgent review. These are TB, alcohol and gender violence.

e. Design and implement a productive and cost effective education system
Changes effected in the education system of the newly democratic South Africa of 1994 promised to radically reverse the previous segregated provisioning of education, characterized by an abysmally low achievement factor among children in black schools in particular. Transformation of education, through the introduction of a new curriculum, was considered the cornerstone of economic development and a better life for all.
A decade and half into the new order, academic achievement in South Africa remains disconcertingly low, with some 12% of matriculants gaining university entrance grades (exemptions). The tertiary education system is plagued by high failure and dropout rates reminiscent of pre 1994 schooling trends. Where and why does the South African education system continue to fail our children? Why does South Arica rank 45th out of 47 countries surveyed in Mathematics and Science for instance. While no easy answers are readily available, a multiplicity of factors and critical areas of the new education may constitute contributory factors.
1. The introduction of the new curriculum the Outcomes Based Education (OBE) was intended to provide for more learner centred, democratic teaching practice and education objectives and outcomes consistent with the new dispensation. However, the appropriate OBE induction and orientation, in-service training and classroom based support of the vast majority of teachers was inadequate, leaving teachers unprepared. Moreover, OBE being a highly complex and technicist curriculum written in English, created great disaffection within the teacher corps, particularly primary teachers.
2. The nine Provincial Departments of Education (PDoEs) in charge of implementing OBE transformation were unable to provide the necessary support as they had little background in change management and lacked skilled personnel to do so. For example, its inability to ensure timeous dispatching of learning and teaching support materials to schools contributed to making change in classrooms a challenge of near insurmountable proportions for the vast majority of schools, in particular in the rural areas.
3. The appropriately termed Foundation Phase remains shaky. Teacher attrition rates due to low morale and disaffection, HIV/AIDS, significantly compound the problems within the system. Premature, ill conceived closure of Teacher colleges in the 1990s, failed to anticipate the increased demand for qualified teachers, resulting in the current deficit especially in Mathematics, Science and English Language teaching.
4. Student low English Language competence is a major factor contributing to poor Matriculation results as English is still medium of instruction and examination for matriculation.

To address these issues, a certain number of measures need to be implemented or at least investigated.
• Although OBE curriculum should be retained, an alternative strategy is required in order to enable the PDoEs to fulfill their Teacher Development, OBE and education transformation mandate. A partnership with NGOs in the sector should be considered. This could draw onto the Scandinavian example, where government entered into partnerships with the longstanding NGOs that enjoyed excellent track records, and thereby strengthened but also incorporated and institutionalized them within the mainstream education dispensation. However, such a partnership would require a new policy framework that regards NGOs as full partners in education, which includes remuneration for NGO services and products through allocation of necessary budgets in order to eliminate NGO donor dependency. This would have the effect of making NGOs more market driven, innovative and cutting edge.
• Given the poor performance of the PDoE over 15 years, maintaining them unchanged should not be an option. Furthermore, the decentralized nature of the education dispensation, although constitutionally endorsed, should be questioned and revisited. The training of teachers, especially in the areas of Science, English and Mathematics, should be undertaken with urgency.
• COPE will continue to promote the development of all South African languages as part of building a shared national identity wherein the cultural diversity of the people is affirmed. In view of the need to meet the challenges of the global environment, professional and communication skills must be developed to the highest level to meet international standards.

f. Promote entrepreneurship among all sectors of the population
South Africa is a middle-income country with high rates of unemployment (25,6%), low levels of formal and higher education, the migration of individuals from rural areas to cities (causing an increase in the impoverishment of rural communities), corporate restructuring and government policies and regulations enforcing the restructuring of larger organisations. Moreover, the absorption rate of the labour force is low on 41,7% ¬i.e. only four out of 10 newcomers to the labour force can be accommodated (Labour Force Survey, March 2006). This raises even greater concern when read against the figures of South Africa’s annual growth rate (2,7%) and population composition (a majority is under the age of 30 years). Despite the numerous programmes and support institutions set up by government, South Africa ranks poorly in terms of entrepreneurships (number of small, micro and medium enterprises – SMMEs) compared with other middle-income countries.
Such poor performance is due to the fact that the vast majority of entrepreneurs in South Africa are motivated by necessity and not opportunity. They are therefore mostly involved in lower order entrepreneurial ideas, commonly referred to as “me too” projects and therefore have no desire to grow, to penetrate international markets nor create employment. This situation is largely due to educational factors and the lack of skills (knowledge and know-how): a majority has Grade 12 education an even less, which is incompatible with a global competitive environment.
Another reason is the lack of mindset among South Africans to become true entrepreneurs. COPE recognizes the immense contribution of women in initiating entrepreneurial activities. This has been confirmed by various local and international studies. The time has now arrived for all such incipient entrepreneurs to be upscaled in order that what may have been a temporary option can now become a full-time enterprise.
COPE recognizes potential entrepreneurs experience great difficulty in accessing and benefiting from government support for the creation of enterprises since Government is unable to deliver the support as it itself has to deal with a shortage of skills within its ranks. Moreover, the “one system fits all” approach has proved inappropriate as SMMEs describes a continuum of business from street trader in an informal settlement on the one end to a business such as a small, structured finance firm on the other.
Access to finance is difficult although there seems to be sufficient funds available. One reason is that most business plans and banking schemes are not written in mother tongues and the terms used are highly technical.
Women entrepreneurs also grapple with specific barriers such as lack of support, negative prevailing socio¬cultural attitudes, gender discrimination or bias and personal difficulties.
The result is that the country has an urgent need for entrepreneurs in the small, micro and medium enterprises to combat unemployment and crime, to stimulate the economy as a whole and to release the pressure on existing businesses to provide the needed impetus for socio¬economic growth and development. An integrated and focused approach combining both macro and micro economic levels is required to address the issues in the following areas:
o Culture: It is paramount to promote an entrepreneurial culture that combines business culture (i.e. a feel for the world of business and new ideas) and personal culture (i.e. upbringing ¬to create one’s work rather than to seek formal work). This should be done from an early age by inculcating at school a “can do” attitude, for example. Entrepreneurship as a career path option in tertiary education, public celebration of entrepreneurial behaviour is just other options that warrant consideration. Moreover, the DTI needs to make the public aware of the available programmes, projects and initiatives. It is therefore important that programmes which discourage the “can do” attitude such as affirmative action and Black Economic Empowerment be reviewed.
• 2. Skills: The lack of business education in secondary level is a major problem as learners lack the experience needed to become an entrepreneurs. It is important that entrepreneurship development is prioritized in the schools’ curriculum, and that provision is made to establish mentorship programmes to further enhance it. COPE will encourage the return of the practice of artisanship. While we acknowledge the achievements of the government in the areas of ASGI-SA and JIPSA, there is a need for heightened implementation of skills training. Even though we are in the new democracy we still need to acknowedge
o COPE policies support the existing commercial, legal and financial infrastructure as well as the access to financial support, physical infrastructure and information.
• COPE is intent on reducing the administrative burden on entrepreneurs and simplifying the regulatory processes. Government should enter into partnerships by using its procurement policy – commercial, legal and financial infrastructure should be made more accessible (simple words should be used), visible (advertised on TV) and affordable for start¬up businesses. Financial support systems must match the level of development of the business. Moreover, government must develop a low cost and effective mentoring system that would differentiate loans from grants: they should only be handed out after a period of training. Government should stimulate competition between financial institutions to create access to finance for entrepreneurs and push for institutions to accept government contracts as collateral for loans.
• Access to information and physical infrastructure should be improved, particularly in disadvantaged communities with the aim of creating business nodes where it is convenient to trade. This also means that town planning must be redesigned (see point 10). Clusters of small businesses must be created in order to help entrepreneurs utilise infrastructure effectively to serve their market and have access to information, such as innovation, but also new laws and regulations, etc.
o Research: Collaboration between public, private and academic institutions should be strongly promoted in order to conduct research as well as collect data and specific information needed to formulate policies. Investigations on the negative factors influencing entrepreneurship should be carried out. The enhancement of entrepreneurship among rural communities must be investigated and policies must be designed to address the rural needs specifically.
o Particular attention should be given to women entrepreneurs, who make up half of the business force and own 72% of micro enterprises. The focus should be on how to promote entrepreneurship and ensure that these women can sustain their involvement over time and graduate to higher levels taking into account the specific factors that hinder women entrepreneurial growth. These range from low credibility when it comes to dealing with suppliers, banking institutions and clients partly due to lack of individual skills and education, to their need – and cultural obligation – to balance their family and business obligations which leads them to be involved in relatively easy projects where the emphasis is on creating additional income, rather than on expanding. Policies should bear in mind these factors: for example, courses and workshops should be carried out over a short period of time and in mother tongues, and be delivered in their own environment since women have to be able to fit them in their busy day without neglecting their work and family duties. Finally women are more likely then men to lack assets to set up their business especially when they are the head of households. A special guarantee fund should be created for women who want to start or grow their business. These are only a few examples of what needs to be done.
o We need to build a winning nation that values initiative and hard-work.

g. Bring government closer to the people of South Africa
The 1994 elections marked the high point of a period of tumultuous change from authoritarian rule to multi-party democracy. Elections were conducted under a form of National List Proportional Representation (PR), with half the National Assembly (200 members) being chosen from nine provincial lists and the other half being elected from a single national list (closed list system). No threshold for representation was imposed, however, only those parties with 20 or more MPs, 5% of the Assembly, were guaranteed portfolios in the first government’s cabinet of national unity. Many observers claimed that a PR system, as an integral part of other power sharing mechanisms in the new constitution, was crucial to creating the atmosphere of inclusiveness and reconciliation which has so far encouraged the decline of the worst political violence, and made post-apartheid South Africa a beacon of hope and stability to the rest of troubled Africa. PR system also allowed for gender issues and disability to be uniquely addressed.
The electoral system designed for the 1994 elections was intended to be transitional. It was nevertheless carried over for all the subsequent elections despite the Founding Provisions which state that South Africa is founded inter alia on the values of “a multi-party system of democratic government, to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness”
A survey carried out by the Cabinet Appointed Electoral Task Committee set up in 2002, and chaired by F. van Zyl Slabbert, found out that although the vast majority of South Africans were satisfied with the current system in terms of its fairness, equality and inclusiveness, they saw as its main drawback the lack of accountability of both parties and individuals. As a matter of fact, parties hold collective accountability at periodic intervals only (every five years) leaving the voter with no recourse to call Government or Members of Parliament to account during their mandate. Moreover, the voter has no say that a Member of Parliament will be since the designation of Members of Parliament is based on a closed list system, which makes them accountable to their party only.
The situation is somewhat schizophrenic with, on the one hand, an electoral system that offers no possibility of accountability but is carried over from one election to another, and the emphasis put on accountability within the political parties especially the ANC. The allocation of Members of Parliament to constituencies puts accountability at the core of its electoral system. However, these constituencies have no legal standing whatsoever and are simply political statements.
The question that therefore needs to be addressed is how can we increase accountability? What are the mechanisms at our disposal to do so, bearing in mind that no electoral system can simply deliver accountability. It can, however, create the framework needed for political accountability by setting up a formally and legally constituted system based on constituency vote. It will thereby be putting a face to a party, somebody who has representative responsibility for a designated area, somebody who is identifiable and accessible in the period between elections and thereby more accountable.
In order to reform the electoral system provision will have to be made for a mixed system of direct and proportional representation. A system for independently electing the President, Deputy President, the nine Premiers and the Executive Mayors will have to be provided for.
This will require minimal amendments to the present Electoral Act. At the current moment provision is made for a Closed List as well as a Regional List at the national level. After the amendment the closed list will stay intact, but the regional one will fall away and be replaced by constituency-based election to elect the same number of Members of Parliament (MPs) as was provided for by the Regional List.
At the Provincial level half the number of members who will be elected according the new system will come from a Closed List, and half from direct elections.
The continuance of the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) will be extensively debated.
Despite the introduction of smaller constituencies, the findings fall short of guaranteeing accountability given that the closed list system remains. However, it is a basis to build on. This task should be dealt by a special body, which could look into the recent electoral changes in New Zealand or Great Britain, or even the German system where 50% of the members of the Bundestag (people’s parliament) is elected on a first-past-the post constituency basis while the other half is elected on a proportional representation basis within the Lander (federal state) framework.
However, bringing government closer to the people cannot be achieved merely through the electoral system. There is a host of aspects of democratic political life that revolves around the issue of accountability, political behaviour for example, which also have to be addressed. Compelling members of parliament to hold public hearings in its constituency before and after parliamentary session could be one way to do so. But there are many other ways.

h. Increase the efficiency of state owned enterprises
State Owned Enterprises not only account for a considerable portion of the South African economy, but also play a strategic role in building the infrastructure and competitive capacity of the country given that they operate and influence the core infrastructure of many aspects of the fabric of our economy. They include telecommunications, which has increasingly become the centre of the capacity of an economy to compete, rail, and road, electricity generation, broadcasting and communications.
In the 1980’s, developed economies launched a large scale wave of privatisation of state owned enterprises, which then spread to emerging small and medium economies, but also large ones such as China and India. This process of privatisation has been based on the assumption that competitive markets and the policy encouraging competitive behaviour is the primary method of ensuring the efficient allocation of resources in an economy. Competitive dynamics, which allow users to make choices and therefore force organisations to be efficient, is the underpinning of the economic policy framework in most nations today.
In South Africa’s case, the results of this policy has been mixed, with many parts of the South African economy still controlled or dominated by state owned enterprises. These state owned enterprises are a very significant employers and developers of human resource talent.
A critical aspect of the competitiveness of state owned enterprises, beyond ownership by the state, has to do with three central areas.
* Firstly, the regulatory environment in which they operate. For example, in
electricity generation, NERSA plays a key policy making role.
* Secondly, the effectiveness of governance and the alignment of shareholders’ interests with the interests of the communities that state owned enterprises seek to serve also play a vital role.
* Thirdly, it has become popular either to allow mixed ownership i.e. State or private sector owning the enterprises or for the development of public private partnerships such as those in the healthcare sector e.g. the Luthuli hospital in Durban.
The economic policy with regard to state owned enterprises has become critical to national success and in South Africa, on the whole, it is believed that they are insufficiently innovative, under governed and not aligned effectively to national policy. The central policy question relates as to how to take this forward.
The policy of privatisation should remain on the agenda for ongoing consideration as an important long term objective.
However, in the medium term, the central question relates to the strengthening of mandates and governance. In part, the mandate issue revolves around a lack of clarity as to the ministerial lines of reporting and how to ensure that these are consistent and focused. Whenever possible, there should be a single ministerial reporting line.
Secondly, clearly communicated mandates should be given to boards as well as to independent and executive directors. It is vital for effectiveness that those directors are the leading experts in the sector or industry independent of political affiliation. This does not exclude the possibility of appointees who represent major shareholders being represented on boards, but nevertheless given the shortage of skills and the urgency and strategic importance of delivery in state owned enterprises, primary focus should be on individuals with significant technical and administrative experience in the sector.
It may be useful to consider establishing a high level strategic entity that would provide overall strategic direction to, if not all, the bulk of major state owned enterprises to act as a co-ordinating body for the main shareholder, in this case the state. The success of Temasek in Singapore and State Owned Assets Supervisor and Administrative Commission (Sasac) in China are important examples.
The final point relates to the development of capacity. Ensuring that the management and leadership of state owned enterprises represent the demography of the country has been an important political goal and accomplishment. The investment in the development of business and organisation skills however has been insufficient to ensure that the leadership of many state owned enterprises have the necessary practical and educational knowledge to deal effectively with both governance and day to day operations. Countries like China, Malaysia, India as well as Singapore have developed very effective programmes to ensure the ongoing development of key executives in state owned enterprises and much can be learned from them.

i. Revive ailing towns and construct new towns in order to eliminate informal settlements and bring places of work closer to residential areas
South Africa’s urban landscape, as it exists today, was determined by the cheap labour imperatives of the mining industry which came into existence in the 1870s firstly with diamond mining and later with gold mining. The mining industry housed its workers in male single sex hostels that were located within walking distance of the mine head. Black miners were compelled to leave their families in rural areas. White miners were also located not far from the mine head but in a separate suburb, however they had the freedom to choose where they lived.
The catchment area for black labour to the mines stretched as far a field as Angola and Tanganyika in the north and Lesotho and the Transkei in the south.
As the mining industry became established town centres developed and so did new suburbs. Formalisation of residential segregation was legislated in 1923 under the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of that year. Prior to the First World War South Africa was an underdeveloped agriculture and mining country. The industrialisation of the economy started during the First World War. It was thus in the 1920s that much of South Africa’s legislation regulating both the urban landscape and industrial relations started.
The second spurt of South Africa’s industrialisation occurred during the Second World War. This was followed in the 1950s by the consolidation of the Apartheid City as we know it today where what remained of multi-racial urban suburbs such as Sophiatown, District Six, etc were forcibly dismantled. Black people in urban areas were herded into ghettos far from city centres, industrial parks and white suburbs. A key consideration in the creation of black ghettos was military control over the ghettos.
The typical architecture of black ghettos or townships were small single storey rectangular structures interspersed with single sex hostel for non-mining black migrants and public buildings such as churches, schools, police stations and a few sports facilities.
The new democratic government has continued with entrenching the Apartheid City. The old single storey residence formerly known as the “matchbox” has been replaced by a similar structure re-named the “RDP house”. The black ghetto remains as the black ghetto despite the injection of RDP house into the township physical space.
A new urban landscape that reflects a democratic, non-racial age is long overdue. The aim of the new South African city must be to bring South Africans together rather than to drive them apart. It must also be designed to bring people closer to their places of work, education, worship and recreation. This means that in the longer term the black township and the informal settlement must be a thing of the past.
COPE will explore every possibility of reviving ailing towns and of constructing new towns so as to provide work opportunities within reasonable distance to residential areas. They must also be provided with effective public transport and other services.
Most importantly the dominant form of affordable housing must focus on rental accommodation provision while not prejudicing those who can afford to build or buy their own homes.
COPE will ensure that in all areas that lack economic opportunities new style South African malls will be developed with uniquely South African characteristics, but of equal magnitude to present malls. The equity in such malls will be held substantially by disadvantaged communities with demographics also being a key factor. Furthermore, businesses that invest in these areas will benefit from a combination of subsidies and tax incentives in order to accelerate economic progress.
j. Peace, stability and democracy in Africa
It has become a world trend to challenge the outcomes of elections. The 2004 Ukrainian ‘Orange Revolution’ triggered the trend when thousands of Yushenko supporters took to the streets in refusal of the outcome of the presidential elections on account of fraud. After weeks of turmoil, the elections were annulled and a new round set up which saw the victory of their candidate.
As a regional power, and given its history, South Africa should not only play a role but take the lead in promoting stability and democracy in Africa, which can be obtained only by reversing the current trend here above described. This requires abiding by the following principle: the acceptance of the legitimacy of the governments elected through free and fair election processes.
It is more than just a principle for South Africa, it is a moral standard on which its democracy is built and as such, it must be placed at the core of its diplomacy and applied uncompromisingly. By doing so, South Africa will be sending a double message to the continent: firstly, it shall not recognise any government that has engaged or has resulted from election tampering nor any other undemocratic practices and secondly, that the solution to political struggle is through negotiation in a peaceful way and not under the threat of chaos. Only such a message will contribute to the prevention of conflicts.
Achieving peace in Africa also requires solving the existing conflicts. Over the years, South Africa has been chosen as mediator or peace broker in various conflicts. However, the handling of the Zimbabwe crisis may not have achieved the desired results and may have dented South Africa’s image on the standards of democracy that we hold dear. South Africa will continue to engage parties in conflict in constructive dialogue so that lasting solutions can be found without resorting to armed conflict. South Africa will also need to balance its soft power with the need to safeguard its strategic interests in the region and abroad.
Furthermore South Africa cannot pretend to take the lead in promoting peace on the continent without a strong and well equipped army to match its ambitions. Indeed, how can we pretend to play a critical role in AU and UN forces deployed in conflict zones if we are not militarily up to speed?

Global Developments
COPE recognises that globalisation has become a pivotal characteristic of the global
community. It affects all most all aspects of life. The growing interdependencies of
economies, flows of goods and services, and growing financial flows have a far-reaching implication on how countries exercise their economic sovereignty. Thus it is important for South Africa to define its terms of engagement in global economic relations and to defend its policy space.
South Africa cannot exist apart from the regional and global economic relations. On the global front there are policy issues that we have to meaningfully influence. These include issues related to the governance of international trade and finance, global warming, fighting terrorism, nuclear non-proliferation, and resolving conflicts. Our foreign policy seeks to primarily promote the country’s national interests whilst at the same time keenly aware of our international obligations and responsibilities. The following are our priorities:
Deal with poverty alleviation and meeting the Milllenium Development Goals, in particular in respect of our domestic context and the broader region.
Accelerate the process of SADC integration, and strengthen the regional body and its related institutions.
Successfully conclude the WTO Doha Round and to defend its development content. Resolve conflicts through bilateral and multilateral institutions.
Ensure the speedy resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis in the interst of tthe Zimbabwean people, by the Zimbabweans themselves.
COPE also supports the need for peace in such areas of conflict as Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan.
COPE will support all multilateral efforts to resolve the Iran Nuclear issue through IAEA. COPE will also support post-conflict reconstruction programmes in such countries as the DRC, Somalia, Darfur, Burundi and Uganda. COPE recognises that South Africa’s destiny whether in respect of polities, economies, or socially is inextricably linked with what happens on the African continent and in the world.

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